Sādhus, Saṃnyāsīs, and Yogīs

Of all the categories of religious practitioners in India, none has attracted the interest of outsiders more, and yet is understood by them less, than Hindu renunciants and ascetics. Today, they are typically referred to by a variety of names: svāmī, saṃnyāsī, mahātma, bābā, vairāgī, yogī, and so on, the most common being sādhu and saṃnyāsī. Yogī, although less used, traditionally refers to those renunciants whose lives and practices are fashioned to a large degree by the observation and performance of the various elements of yoga (see explanation below). Although the renunciant life is a part of all the major indigenous religions of India, especially Buddhism,Jainism, and Hinduism, the greatest diversity is found in Hinduism, where it has gone hand in hand with the practices of asceticism and yoga throughout its long history. This chapter will look at the concept of renunciation ( saṃnyāsa ) within the Hindu tradition, those who have adopted the lifestyle, and how the various orders have conceived of and undertaken renunciation over the millennia. The first section provides definitions of terms used, followed by a brief overview of the origins of renunciation, both conceptually and historically. The next section contains a brief discussion of general concepts of female renunciation, followed by a brief explanation of the development of major ascetic orders that are still in existence. Finally, there is a discussion of the contemporary life ofsādhus and their practices. 

Definitions 

The terms sādhu (masc.) and sādhvī (fem.) come from the Sanskrit root sādh-, “to go straight,” “to reach one’s goal,” “to succeed,” and so on. By the time of the Mahābhārata , its adjectival form meant “virtuous,” “honorable,” or “righteous,” while as a noun it could denote “a good or virtuous or honest man,” or “a holy man, saint, [or] sage.” In addition, “sādhvī” was used to refer to “a chaste or virtuous woman.” At that time, the concepts of renunciation and asceticism were not necessarily associated with these terms, but eventually they came to be used almost exclusively, within both the Hindu and the Jain traditions, for those who have chosen the renunciant life. Although Jain female renunciants continue to use the term "sādhvī," their Hindu counterparts largely rejected the label, referring to themselves instead simply as sādhu, or with terms like sādhu mātā (“mother sādhu”; Khandelwal, 2003, 7). In respecting this general preference, the term sādhu will be used herein for both genders. Other cognate words associated with these terms include sādhanā (spiritual practice), sādhaka (in current usage, anyone who does regular religious practice but who has not officially become a renunciant), and siddhi (accomplishment, supernatural power). Each renunciant order approaches sādhanāwithin the context of its own theological underpinnings. For those whose religious practices have a strong emphasis on physical austerities (tapasya), their sādhanā is understood primarily within the context of ascetic practices that put limits on one’s physical or sensual experiences, such as fasting, keeping silence, or limiting one’s clothing. For those whose focus instead is primarily intellectual or devotional, their sādhanā has broader parameters, does not necessarily involve ascetic practices, and can include scriptural study, prayer, singing of hymns, and so forth. Likewise, the concept of siddhi varies to some extent depending on the orientation of the order. In contemporary times, the term sādhu is generally used for both renunciants and ascetics who are not associated with one of the saṃnyāsī orders (see below). 

Early Sanskrit law books identify saṃnyāsī and saṃnyāsinī as those who “resign the world” and “discard all worldly ties and attachments” (Bhagat, 1976, 43). They are among the earliest honorific terms used in reference to those whose approach to renunciation functioned in close adherence to the doctrines and strictures of the Brahmanical system. Today, most renunciants orders whose members self-identify with these terms remain in similar proximity to the Brahmanical conceptualization of Hinduism and of renunciation. There are exceptions to this, such as in the case of the nāgā saṃnyāsīs and the svāmīs of the Ramakrishna Math and Mission, but for our purposes here, these terms will generally refer to those whose orders are Brahmanically oriented. 

Tapas and tapasya both denote austerities ideally undertaken for spiritual gain. Initially, tapasmeant “heat” but came to refer to the heat of ritual fires of the priests. Eventually, the term was used to designate religious austerities and various forms of bodily mortification and is now typically associated with any religious vow or practice that places restrictions on one’s sensual input, such as fasting, silence, and so on. One whose life is committed to such practices may be called a tapasvī, or "ascetic". Sādhus and saṃnyāsīs understand the importance of intention when performing any activity, especially tapas, and most believe that the taking of vows with specific intentions in mind results in greater benefit from the activity. A common view in Hindu monastic traditions is that an ascetic who undertakes no restrictive vows is not an ascetic, because, historically, the renunciant life has been structured by and built around vows of renouncing or abstaining from the sensuality and materialism of the external world. Thus, closely connected with the practice of tapasya are several other terms relevant to the discussion. These include vrata (vow), saṃkalpa (intention, determination to undertake a religious act), and anuṣṭhāna (undertaking), and they play an important role in ascetic practice (see below). 

Yoga is arguably one of the Hindu concepts that are most misunderstood in the west. While it is currently associated with exercises and body postures, most of its traditional forms, focus, and functions are either unknown or ignored. The term comes from the Sanskrit verb yuj-, “to join,” “to harness.” The actual origins of what has come to be called yoga remain uncertain, although archaeological evidence suggests that its roots can be traced to the Indus Valley civilization of more than four millennia ago. Excavations in the region have uncovered seals and tablets, as well as sculptures, depicting individuals sitting in various positions and poses reminiscent of yoga postures. Other evidence from the region suggests the early presence of ascetics and ascetic practices as well. 

Some time just prior to or during the early part of the 1st millennium CE, traditions of yoga developed an eight-limbed (aṣṭāṅga) set of mental disciplines and physical practices to focus the mind and gain union with the divine. Subsequently, other texts adopted and adapted these, but aṣṭāṅgayoga as elucidated by Patañjali, became the primary understanding of the term within most ascetic orders in India. Early in the 2nd millennium CE, the Haṭhayogapradīpikā became another highly authoritative text for use by sādhus. Together, these texts have largely defined and set the parameters of how yoga has been viewed by traditional Hindu practitioners. Although the term has been adopted by other Hindu schools of thought as well, such as those in the bhakti movement and the tantric tradition, for the purpose of this article, Patañjali’s concept of yoga will be the one used. 

Origins 

Conceptual 

Since ancient times, the practice of some form of material renunciation has been integral to religions all over the world. When adopted as a way of life, it has often existed as an antithesis to the material-oriented existence in the cultures in which it has arisen. Although some females have undertaken such a life, it has been, nevertheless, a predominantly male pursuit; as such, it challenged social value systems that assess adult males in large part by their physical strength, mental prowess, and/or material possessions. Males who possess proficiency and material prosperity attain power, position, and praise, while those who have little or do little materially are generally regarded as useless, unable, and unworthy. The ascetic life is an inversion of these values. It is one in which individuals opt for a different direction in their lives, seeking to renounce rather than to possess, to abstain rather than to obtain. For most, it is not material accomplishments but material abstention that has greater value. Moreover, material rejection and austerity are not only the vehicles but also often integral to the goals of the lives of renunciants. Their path moves them away from possession and sensual pleasure toward renunciation and self-control, from material attainment to spiritual progress. Although the presence of females is seldom referenced in early writings that discuss Hindu ascetics, they are mentioned early on in both Buddhism and Jainism. As with their male counterparts, a female renunciant presents a radical inversion of traditional social values. Those values emphasize the role of wife and mother as the primary duty and raison d’être of a female. Female ascetics, sometimes more than males, have been seen as a threat to both the social and the religious order. 

Individuals adopt the renunciant life for a variety of reasons, and these often determine to a large extent how one approaches and functions in it. To better understand how Hindu sādhus conceptualize and identify with the practice, a brief comparison and contrast with the general Christian, specifically Catholic, approach to asceticism is beneficial, since it is one that is well known. Two Christian beliefs have been pivotal in this regard. One is that all humans are born with sin and have an inherently sinful nature. A major reason for undertaking ascetic practices has been as a form of repentance for one’s sin and the need to suffer in order to cleanse oneself. The other belief is that a life immersed in sensual pleasures, gluttony and lust being among the worst, leads to eternal damnation. In an attempt to avoid this fate, many of the early Christian renunciants devoted their lives to penance and sensual deprivation, such as fasting and celibacy, with the hopes of becoming worthy to enter into God’s grace and thereby attain salvation. In the process, practitioners sought purity of mind and heart, while avoiding what they saw as evil temptations of the flesh, so that they may be filled with love of God and surrender to his will. This has remained a major theme in Christian asceticism and monasticism for much of its history. The early Protestant reformers rejected the Catholic belief that human efforts can aid one toward attaining salvation. Although they acknowledged the Catholic view that sensual pleasures lead to sin, they dismissed the renunciant life and the practice of asceticism as having no ultimate value. Instead, they promoted the belief that God’s grace alone determined salvation or damnation. At best, having faith in Jesus is the only thing a human can do. Nevertheless, many Protestants did, and still do, undertake various religious practices involving forms of sensual deprivation. 

Hindus understand the concept of sin and the reasons for asceticism quite differently. First of all, Hinduism rejects the beliefs of inherent impurity and eternal damnation. Instead, it holds that all beings have an inherently pure and divine essence, or spirit, and all will eventually reach some form of union or relationship with the divine. Although humans have this purity, we begin the long cycle of birth-death-rebirth ( saṃsāra ) with a total lack of understanding of our true nature. After a long series of incarnations in various life forms, we eventually take on a human body, at which point we can consciously begin the process of realizing our true essence. We must work to avoid doing actions that are ignorance and ego based, for these perpetuate the illusion that we are our bodies, our minds, and our emotions. They also cause us to hurt others (negative karma ), which leads to both suffering and further bondage to the material world. In order to stop these actions and counteract the negative karma accrued, we have to break our attachments to the passing and temporary aspects of reality, and asceticism is seen as one of the best methods for accomplishing this. 

Hindu ascetics traditionally envision the primary cause of attachments to be our addiction to sensual pleasures and our dislike of suffering. The practice of austerity – such as fasting, celibacy, keeping silence, wearing little or no clothing while living in harsh climates, and so on – seems to have developed both to help lessen these addictions and to burn off negative karma, but not out of a fear of damnation or a belief in the need for repentance, as in Christian thinking. Tapas is done to help break attachments. Hindus understand the difficulty of such practices and that they require great effort, but they also believe that those who are successful gain great inner strength. This is why sādhus have often been depicted in Hindu literature as having great powers. To most sādhus, however, the greatest powers are wisdom and the realization of one’s true nature, which is pure and perfect. Various disciplines and practices were developed to facilitate these attainments, the umbrella term for which is sādhanā. Patanjali’s Yogasūtra contains a collection of these that had likely become popular among ascetics in his time. 

Historical 

There is a variety of textual sources from which some understanding of the development of ascetic and yogic practices can be gleaned. Nevertheless, their origins can only be speculated upon, for not only do they predate writing in India but they also originated with people for whom preserving a record of their lives, beliefs, and practices would be inconsistent with their avowed goal of transcending the temporality of the material world. All we have in the form of written works, then, was likely penned much latter by those with an approach to life unlike that of early practitioners. As such, these early accounts can only intimate but not reveal the depth or breadth of what may have existed. 

The Sanskrit and Brahmanical traditions from the time of the Ṛgveda tell of the existence of ascetics called munis. They were said to be long-haired individuals who had mystical powers, some of which later become associated both with ascetic practices, such as silence, and with the practice of yoga. From this early date, yoga and asceticism as forms of spiritual endeavor become connected. The Atharvaveda contains several references to ascetic practices, including postures (āsanas) and breath control (prāṇāyāma) to attain spiritual powers. With the rise of upanishadic thinking and upanishadic literature, the interiorization of sacrifice is apparent within elements of the Brahmanical tradition, with a concomitant emphasis on tapas, knowledge, and the attainment of transcendental experience taking precedence over ritual worship. The upanishadic ṛṣi s stress knowledge of and identification with brahman as the goal of existence, and they find commonality with ascetic practitioners in seeking this transcendental knowledge and immortality. Some of the earliest Upaniṣads make both direct and indirect references to yogic practices, including those later associated with aṣṭāṅgayoga. They appear alone and in connection with tapas, and they form an integral part of the teachings and the sādhanā passed down from teacher to disciple. 

The Hindu epics and the Purāṇas are replete with stories of ascetics and yogīs performing fantastic feats of austerity to obtain worldly and otherworldly goals. Little mention is made of lay practitioners, although there are a few exceptions. Sādhus are said to undertake extreme austerities and commit themselves to intense vows in order to acquire both yogic powers and liberation. A variety of siddhis are connected with the practice of yoga, including such abilities as levitation, controlling the thoughts of others, knowing past and future lives, and even gaining power over certain types of spirits. In Vālmīki’s Rāmāyaṇa , the sage Viśvāmitra, for example, is said to have endured various forms of extreme tapasya for penance, first to gain worldly power and eventually to gain spiritual perfection (Rām. 1.51–65). Many of the names used in the text to identify ascetics are derived from the types of practices they undertake, such as a pattrāhāra(“feeding on leaves”; Bhagat, 1976, 261). Among the females who undertake extended ascetic disciplines, one of the earliest is the goddess Pārvatī, who takes an extreme vow (ugraṃ suvratam) and fasts for thousands of years to gain ascetic power as well as Śiva’s favor (Rām.1.35.19–20). At the same time, the Rāmāyaṇa has a story of a low-caste individual practicing asceticism, by which he draws the wrath of Lord Rāma, who subsequently kills him. Clearly, the insertion of this episode in the text suggests an attempt by the priestly caste to limit the practice of tapasya to only those who adhere to and are sanctioned by the Brahmanical value system. 

Early on in the development of renunciation, two main groups of ascetics evolved – one made up of those who saw adherence to the rules and doctrines within the Brahmanical tradition as important (the saṃnyāsī and the saṃnyāsinī) and one consisting of those who saw many of the externally derived social and religious rules as inherently limiting and confining. Members of those orders that functioned on the periphery of, or stood outside, the Brahmanical tradition were referred to by a variety of names (Vrātyas, Ājīvikas, Śramaṇas, etc.) and included adherents to Buddhist and Jain teachings as well as those who undertook practices that the priestly tradition looked down on as too extreme or outside its parameters of acceptability. Most of these rejected the rituals and practices of the Brahmans as having no ultimate benefit and were said to see liberation available to anyone, irrespective of caste. Relatively early on, both Jain and Buddhist ascetics organized into institutions with codes of behavior and practice, and this process created a great deal of stability and commonality. Eventually, those outside these groups disappeared or were brought under the Brahmanical fold. Over the last two millennia, a great variety of Hindu ascetic groups have formed, but most have subsequently disappeared. 

Female Renunciants 

Two aspects of existence have been emphasized in the Hindu tradition: dharma and mokṣa(liberation). The former deals with right action in the context of family, society, and the world, while the latter refers to liberation and is the goal of the ascetic. The former is seen to be the responsibility of the female as the upholder of dharma, while the latter is to be the purview of the male (Sherma, 2000, 28). This domination of the renunciant traditions by males has inhibited, but not prevented, the participation of females as ascetics. Although their numbers have likely never constituted more than a few percent of the total renunciant population, females who have made this choice and who have shown a serious commitment to it have been able, for the most part, to find their niche as sādhus or saṃnyāsīs. There are, no doubt, occasions in which female ascetics have been harassed by males, either renunciants or householders, but it does not seem to have been a common occurrence. The various studies of female ascetics during the last several decades tend to validate this and downplay the role of harassment as a major factor affecting their renunciant lives. The vast majority of males who seriously embark on such a path understand the difficulties it entails, irrespective of caste or gender, and they have typically shown a degree of respect to others, including females, who have likewise made the choice. For many sādhus, the division between themselves and householders has more significance than that between male and female ascetics. Even most householders understand that a woman has had to give up a great deal to adopt the ascetic life, and they typically tend to show her respect.

Rural Hindus are those who most often come into contact with ascetics and are traditionally respectful of those in ascetic garb whom they believe are legitimate and not just beggars dressed as renunciants. Urban Hindus, especially in contemporary times, in contrast, tend to be more suspicious and dismissive of, as well as uncomfortable around, sādhus, especially females. In Female Ascetics in Hinduism, L.T. Denton writes of a young female research assistant who experienced “apprehensive and sometimes hysterical responses to certain of the ascetics” who were subjects of her interviews. L.T. Denton suggests that this may have been because many householders experience both fear of and disdain for what they see as the “aberrant world of female asceticism,” which she believes “intrigues only those who are socially marginal or who for some reason are curious about the society in which they live” (Denton, 2004, 14). In nearly all traditional cultures, the family structure is where most females find their greatest security and sense of place. This makes one who is willing to give these up stand out and quite possibly be seen as a threat to the existing society. 

While it is not uncommon to find a male who became a sādhu as an adolescent, this is less likely to be the case with females. The more common reasons most women become ascetics include leaving an unhappy marriage, failure to have offspring, problems with a mother-in-law,widowhood, and the like. These events typically do not occur until the female is at least in her twenties or older. Of the relatively few adolescent females who choose to become renouncers, the most likely reason is an unwillingness to get married. Widows, of course, can also be quite young, but this is also rare. Most widows who do choose the renunciant life are from upper-caste urban families, where social and cultural expectations and restrictions on them are much higher than on widows in low-caste rural communities. In the former, a widow traditionally is consigned to that state for the remainder of her life, and her status is often extremely low unless she already has male offspring. A childless widow is seen in several of the myriad cultural traditions in the country as inauspicious and may not be wanted in her affinal family, unless she is post-menopausal (Pearson, 1996, 186). For this reason, young childless widows from upper-caste families have the greatest likelihood of any female to choose the renunciant life. In rural low-caste communities, in contrast, it is not uncommon for a second “marriage” (without a formal ritual) to be arranged. In some areas, if a widow is still quite young and considered attractive, she may become a wife or a second wife of her late husband’s younger brother, or her parents may ask for her to return home so they can arrange another such marriage for her themselves. 

The more structured orders and monasteries of saṃnyāsīs and svāmīs are generally more financially secure than other sādhu orders that have a predominantly eremitic membership. The former can typically provide a degree of stability and security to a female renunciant who wants to adopt the lifestyle but also wants a relatively physically secure environment in which to live and pursue her sādhanā. Yet, these same institutions tend to more closely adhere to Brahmanical values, which diminish the status of women as actors outside the context of family. As a consequence, although the status of a saṃnyāsinī is typically lower than that of most males in these orders, they draw the largest number of female members. Significantly, in pilgrimage sites where saṃnyāsinīs tend to congregate, such as Rishikesh, Haridwar, and Benares, the relationship between renunciant and householder females is typically closer than that of their male counterparts, and this functions to inspire lay women to be more deeply involved in religious practices, such as fasting (Pearson, 1996, 13). It also inspires more donations to those monasteries. Thus, the presence of female renunciants is seen as positive and even advantageous at some monasteries. 

Non-saṃnyāsī orders, however, tend to treat female members on a more equal level with their male counterparts but often cannot provide the same degree of material support or secure physical surroundings. Where females tend to have the greatest degree of equal treatment, as well as individual fulfillment, is in the orders with significant tantric influences. Because the concept of the divine as feminine is integral to their sādhanā forms, they have traditionally provided females an opportunity for “personal worship and communion based on a theology of identification” (Sherma, 2000, 26). The bhakti-oriented ascetic orders, in their general rejection of strict Brahmanical rules and elevation of female concepts of the divine, also provide female members a renunciant life with more equality. 

Renunciant Orders 

Daśanāmī Saṃnyāsa 

The first of the extant renunciant orders within Hinduism was founded in the 8th century by Śaṅkara (also known as Ādi Śaṅkarācārya). He is said to have been partially inspired by the success of Buddhist monastic organizations and sought to similarly institutionalize those within the more orthodox Hindu fold. He established an order known as the Daśanāmī (“Ten Names”) Saṃnyāsa, so called because of its ten subdivisions. The order combined adherence to many of the Brahmanical rules and beliefs while adopting a formal rejection of family life and even of the society at large. By tradition, incoming members of the order are to perform their own funeral rituals at the time of initiation. Some say the ochre color of the cloth they wear is the traditional color of the death shroud. Males are also to remove the sacred thread that designates them as upper-caste males, and initiates are no longer to cook any food, except as an offering to a deity. The tilaka (sacred mark on the forehead) they wear is typical for all Śiva devotees and consists of three horizontal lines made with ash, sandalwood paste, or other substances. Some will add a red dot or vertical line in the middle. All ascetic groups wear beads that denote their affiliation. Consistent with Śaiva orders, Daśanāmīs wear beads made from seeds of the rudrākṣa tree (bot. Elaeocarpus ganitrus; see mālā ). 

Much of the saṃnyāsī practice of tapas consists of life-long vows that put strict limits on what they can and cannot do. These include the practice of celibacy and the rejection of worldly things outside basic necessities. Integral to the life of Daśanāmī saṃnyāsī is the study of scriptures and Hindu philosophy. Some devote a great deal of energy to various aspects of yogaas well. Moreover, some of the best-known Hindu yogīs of the 20th century have been in this order, the most famous of whom was Swami Sivananda of Rishikesh. Although their renunciation of the world is said to be extreme, most members combine their asceticism and practice of yoga with an abiding adherence to significant elements of the orthodox Brahmanical value system, including caste restrictions and even untouchability. Today, the Daśanāmī order is the predominant Śaiva and Brahmanical grouping of renunciants. The primary honorific name given to those within the order is svāmī. Lay Hindus usually refer to them using eithersaṃnyāsī or svāmī. Of the relatively small number of saṃnyāsinīs, most live in residences limited to females and have relatively little to do with their male counterparts. Some live with householders who have set aside a room for them. 

Gorakhnāth Sampradāy 

With the rise of the tantric traditions in both Hinduism and Buddhism during the latter part of 1st millennium, there arose a more organized and ritualized rejection of many of the orthodox religious restrictions. The Gorakhnāth Sampradāy is a product of a variety of these and other ascetic influences. The order, founded sometime between the 8th and 14th century CE by Gorakhnāth, was among the first of the extant ascetic orders to combine elements of the yogic and tantric traditions in formulating its approach to the attainment of both siddhis and enlightenment. Along with his guru, Matsyendranāth, Gorakhnāth is said to have performed great feats of yoga and asceticism, through which he attained many siddhis. The present-day order believes him to have been one of the greatest yogīs who has ever lived, coming from a lineage of great yogīs known as mahāsiddhas (Briggs, 1938, 229–249). Others say he was an incarnation of Śiva. There are more than a dozen books attributed to Gorakhnāth, including such works as the Gorakṣaśataka, Gorakṣasaṃhitā, Siddhasiddhāntapaddhati, and Yogasiddhāntapaddhati. A direct disciple of his, Svāmī Svātmarāma, authored theHaṭhayogapradīpikā, one of the most important of the Haṭha Yoga texts. The practices of yoga and Tantra, then, are integral to the sādhanā of the order’s members, both lay and renunciant. From its early days, the influence of the tantric tradition opened the doors of the order for involvement of women, who received initiation and even had their own suborders consisting of renunciant, married, and widowed females (Sherma, 2000, 39). This participation of women has continued up to the present day. 

Members of the Gorakhnāth order are commonly referred to either as Kānphaṭā yogīs, a reference to the type of earrings they wear, or as Nāth yogīs. Their clothes are usually white in color, although some will wear ochre. Their tilakas often consist of ash covering their entire forehead similar to what many Śiva devotees wear. Also, like other Śaivas, they usually wearrudrākṣa beads. Gorakhnāth āśramas can be found in various places in northern and central India, and they have an established presence in Nepal, where many choose to live. Because of their involvement with both yoga and Tantra, Nāth yogīs find commonality with Tibetan Buddhist yogīs as well as Hindu yogīs. Moreover, some within the Gorakhnāth order say it is a continuation of a Tibetan tantric lineage. Although relatively small in number in comparison to the Daśanāmīs or Rāmānandīs, the Kānphaṭā yogīs comprise one of the important sādhu groups in India, and their order has had a pivotal influence on the evolution of the Rāmānanda Samprāday. 

Rāmānanda Samprāday 

Under the influence of the Nāth yogī tradition and the emergent devotional consciousness during the 15th century, the Rāmānanda Samprāday (Rāmānandīs) was founded by Svāmī Rāmānanda. There is little actually known about the life and practices of Rāmānanda or about the origins of his order. According to the tradition within the Rāmānanda Samprāday, he was initially an ascetic in the Śrī Samprāday (see Śrīvaiṣṇavism), founded in the 11th or 12th century by Rāmānuja. However, Rāmānanda eventually left it because of a variety of post-Rāmānuja rules and doctrines that discriminate against low castes, householders, and females. Rāmānanda saw these as incompatible with his own spiritual realization and path. 

He kept Rāmānuja’s theology and philosophy largely intact, while drawing upon the influences of Nāth yogīs, elements of the tantric tradition, and concepts of devotionalism that had become prevalent both in the South and in the land of the Marathas to the west. His order attracted a wide variety of other ascetics and devotees who found resonance with his teachings. Rāmānanda accepted disciples from all walks for life, and his following included women, low castes, and Muslims. Among his more famous disciples was Kabīr, a Muslim, and Ravidās, an untouchable. Because of the liberal attitude toward membership and the emphasis on devotion in conjunction with asceticism, the order grew among commoners seeking to live or be associated with a renunciant life that reflected the devotionalism that had become integral to the practice of Hinduism. 

By the mid-18th century, the Rāmānandīs were clearly an integral and influential part in the religion of the north and were essentially “the only important full-fledged ascetic order in the Vishnuite fold” (Veer, 1989, 98–99). Once Muslim control of North India ended, the order helped Ayodhya develop as a Hindu pilgrimage center, and the town also became the center of the order. According to a study conducted by the All India Sadhu Samaj in the 1990s, membership of the order comprises at least half of all Hindu renunciants. As a result, most images of sādhus found in books, articles, and magazines today are actually of Rāmānandīs. Important monastic centers of the order include Ayodhya, Prayag, Chitrakut, and Janakpur (in Nepal) in the north, as well as several in central and western India. The most common term used for self-identity with members of the order is vairāgī. However, there are several divisions within the order, depending primarily on the type of sādhanā practiced, and each has its own name for those who undertake its practices. Female vairāgīs typically have male gurus, and they live and self-identify much like their male counterparts. They may wander about in small groups with theirguru or guru family, or they live in an āśrama setting. 

Because of the size of the order, the divergent backgrounds of its renunciant members, and a liberal attitude that encourages vairāgīs to experiment with the types of vows and practices they undertake, there is a greater diversity of sādhanā forms than found in any other order. The most obvious example of this freedom of expression is in the way each vairāgī creates his tilaka. No other order has such wide parameters in this regard. The standard vairāgī tilaka is a white U-shaped symbol that stretches from the eyebrows to the hairline with a red line in between. While this is basically what most Rāmānandīs wear, it is not uncommon to see one’s tilakacover the entire forehead and even continue all the way to the back of the head. The red line in the middle can also become a large circle seven to ten centimeters in diameter. Like members of all Vaiṣṇava orders, vairāgīs wear beads made from branches of the tulsī (bot. Ocimum tenuiflorum, or Holy Basil; see mālā ). In addition, very few vows are expected to be lifelong, so members have ample space in which to test a variety of vows and practices in order to find those that suit their individual personalities. 

Udāsī Samprāday 

Udāsīs are members of an ascetic order started by Bābā Śrī Cand, the elder son of Gurū Nānak, founder of the Sikh tradition (Sikhism). The order’s name comes from the Sanskrit udāsa(indifference, apathy) and is meant to suggest nonattachment to the things of the world. In the Sikh tradition, udāsī also refers to the four journeys of Gurū Nānak, in which he wandered as a renunciant to spread his teachings. The hagiography of Śrī Cand has him living for 149 (some say 172) years due to his mastery of yoga from an early age. In creating his order, he blended existing Hindu ascetic beliefs and practices with the teachings of his father. The life of the early Udāsīs was devoted to nām simran, or remembering the name of the divine, and to spreading the teachings of Nānak. The Udāsīs eventually adopted many of the existing Hindu ascetic undertakings, including fasting, subjecting the body to harsh treatment, and other forms oftapasya, with the goal of remaining steadfast in their practices and commitments. Practically speaking, the Udāsīs became indistinguishable from other Hindu ascetics, especially Śaivas. Many dress similar to nāgā sādhus, wearing white, ochre, or red clothes, as well as rudrākṣabeads around their necks and body markings made with ashes. Matted hair is commonplace, as is the practice of various limbs of aṣṭāṅgayoga. There are several groups of female Udāsī sādhus. They typically reside in female-only groups, but some do spend time in predominantly male centers as well. Although they can dress in any of the colors the men use, they typically wear white or ochre. According to tradition, in the past some would wear very sparse clothing like their male counterparts, but this practice essentially died away because of the attention it drew from and problems caused by some nonascetic males they would encounter.

The sect shows great reverence for, and even image worship of, Gurū Nānak, whom they believe was an incarnation of Viṣṇu, and Bābā Śrī Cand, who was Śiva incarnated. Among the scriptures they hold dear is theGurū Granth Sāhib, the Sikh sacred text. Consequently, the Udāsīs are sometimes called Nānakputras (Sons of Nānak), while others have called them Sikh yogīs. In addition to their Sikh-inspired practices, they also read various Hindu holy books and express devotion to Śiva, Viṣṇu, Sūrya,Durgā, and Gaṇeśa, an almost identical list of Hindu deities as the one Śaṅkara directed his followers to worship. Their philosophy blends Nānak’s teachings with Śaṅkara’s understanding of Vedānta. 

They developed four principal monastic centers, and a large number of teaching centers spread all over India, especially in the North. Starting during the time of Gurū Gobind Siṅgh and continuing for several centuries, the Udāsīs took over the responsibility of overseeing and running many Sikh holy places as the oppression and torture of Sikhs by various Muslims was occurring. The Udāsīs could do so since they were not targeted for attack to the same degree as other Sikhs. By the early 19th century, many gurdvārās (Sikh temples) were being run by heads who claimed Udāsī lineage. However, increasing pressure by Christian missionaries and the colonial government in 19th-century British India caused many religious groups once considered to be within the broad and rather amorphous label of Hindu to begin to assert their own individual identity. Within Sikhism, this became most apparent in the Singh Sabha Movement, which gained strength toward the end of the century. They identified with the older order of khālsā (Sikh military groups), developed a nonmilitary khālsā identity, and began working to marginalize the Udāsīs, claiming they were not genuine Sikhs. Through the political might of the Gurdwara Reform Movement of the 1920s, khālsā Sikh leaders ended Udāsī control of most gurdvārās and separated the Udāsīs, at least in the minds of many khālsā Sikhs, from Sikhism. The disaffection the Singh Sabha Movement had toward Udāsīs was caused by several factors. One was the latter’s ascetic lifestyle and often close affiliation with various Hindu ascetic orders, which the Singh Sabha Movement claimed was an antithesis to the teachings of Gurū Nānak. Another was the Udāsī practice of image worship and blending of mainstream Hindu beliefs and practices into their sādhanā. Lastly, the Singh Sabha Movement holds fast to the concept that there is no living gurū. After the death of the tenth Sikh gurū, Gurū Gobind Siṅgh, the Sikh scripture alone, which holds the teachings of the ten gurūs, is to be looked to for guidance. Because the Udāsīs follow the traditional ascetic belief in the need for a living gurū to help guide the sādhaka on his or her path, khālsā Sikhs see this as unacceptable and almost as a form of heresy. 

In contemporary times, most Udāsīs do not see themselves bound by either Sikhism or Hinduism as strict categories of identification. Instead, they respect and revere what they perceive to be the truth in both Sikh and Hindu teachings and practices. They are practitioners of both asceticism and devotion to a single divinity that transcends all sectarian conceptualization and categorization. Most feel as much at home in a gurdvārā as in a Hindu temple, and in worshipping an image as in silent prayer to the unmanifest. Although the order has diminished greatly in size over the last century or so, it remains a significant presence in northwestern India. Most other ascetic orders have cordial relationships with the Udāsīs, and they are regular attendees at Hindu holy festivals all over India that draw renunciants. 

Nāgā Saṃnyāsīs 

Asceticism and nonviolence have had an integral relationship since ancient times. Violence often has its roots in the fear of, or attachment to, people and things in the material world. As one seeks to transcend these, the role of violence in one’s life naturally diminishes. However, when such individuals see what they perceive to be injustice and the suffering of innocents in the world around them, an attempt to end these can be seen by some as a valid reason to use violence, provided it is done in a selfless manner. Starting in the 16th century, members of several ascetic orders, especially the Kānphaṭā yogīs and the Rāmānandīs, adopted the dual goals of transcendence of their attachments to the world and of selfless service in protection of innocent people. The latter goal led the development of a militaristic element within each group to deal with those whom they saw as oppressors of the people in their midst. However, the monastic order that most focused on this approach at the same time and has maintained trappings of it up through present day is the nāgā saṃnyāsī (see also akhāṛā ).

According to Daśanāmī tradition, when Śaṅkara founded the order, he divided it into two main groupings, the śāstradhārin (lit. scripture holder) and the astradhārin(weapon holder), the latter comprising the nāgā. Historical writings, however, suggest the nāgā came into being in the 16th century, during the reign of Akbar, for the protection of temples, holy places, and pilgrims from attacks by thieves and looters (Keemattam, 1997, 83). Unlike the existing Daśanāmī orders that had become restricted in large part to members of the Brahman caste, the nāgā was open to a wider variety of castes, including Śūdras, the lowest caste. It has remained that way up to the present day. Although Akbar was Muslim, he had a reputation of treating his Hindu subjects well, especially in comparison to Timūr, of whom he was said to be a descendant. However, during the reign of Awrangzēb, the great grandson of Akbar who took power in 1658, a period of brutal oppression of Hindus began. In response, the nāgās used their blend of militarism and asceticism to combat the Muslim oppression that was occurring. This was a radical departure from the traditional Daśanāmī disassociation with the material world and especially with politics. In Cassell’s Illustrated History of India, J. Grant wrote that even in the glory days of Mughal power, "an army of [nāgās], led by an old woman, calling herself an enchantress, had at one time defeated that of the Emperor Aurungzebe, and made him tremble on his peacock throne at Delhi" (Grant, 1879, 160).

Over the next two centuries, nāgās participated in a variety of battles against other Muslim rulers. The takeover of Bengal by the British and the subsequent famines that came about led to many intense battles between nāgās and British soldiers as well. Bankim Chandra Chatterji’s 19th-century Ānandamaṭh is a literary classic that uses the nāgās’ famous battle against the British in the late 18th century as its backdrop. 

Today, the militarism of the nāgā is largely a memory that is symbolically and ceremonially recalled during various religious processions in which they partake. As Śaivas, they wear the same tilaka and beads of other Daśanāmīs. Unlike their brethren, they dress more like eremetic ascetics of other orders, and some go completely naked, wearing only ash from their sacred fires. Members belong to three main nāgā akhāṛās, or groups – the Nirañjanī, the Jūnā, and the Mahānirvāṇī. Although they are all officially connected with the monastery of their respective gurus, many live an eremitic life in the forests and jungles of northern India, but they can also be found at pilgrimage sites and holy festivals throughout the country. Their main centers are in the northern part of the country, especially in Rishikesh, Haridwar, Benares, and Prayag (Allahabad). In addition, the orders have temples in Madhya Pradesh and Gujarat. During the last century, there have been a few well-known nāgā saṃnyāsinīs who have had their own disciples. While some of the disciples have been male, the vast majority have been female.Sannyāsinīs typically wear ochre-colored robes or sāṛīs and predominantly reside in all-female monastic centers. 

Drug Use among Nāgās 

Hindu renunciants, by the nature of their lives, have a tenuous relationship with respect to the values, methods, and goals of the broader householder society. The greatest diversity in this relationship is found within the Daśanāmī order. While the svāmīs of the order are among the closest adherents to the orthodox Brahmanical value system, which sets the tenor of common social mores in much of India, the nāgās are among those whose lives represent the greatest antithesis to the system. With rare exception, nāgās are the only renunciants who will regularly walk around naked irrespective of who is present; who carry weapons such as swords, daggers, and axes; and who regularly and openly use drugs. Some will also maintain close and apparently sexual relationships with various females. The most common reasons nāgās have traditionally given to justify their drug use is that they do it as an offering to Śiva and that in the “enhanced” state they reach through the use of drugs allows them to better see the illusory nature of the world and let go of their attachments to it. Because of their open use of drugs and the provocative and incendiary appearance that some adopt, nāgās are often depicted by media wishing to present a sensationalistic impression of Hindu renunciants. Images showing a naked or near-naked nāgā smoking a chillum (Hind. cilam, a small pipe used for smoking variousintoxicants) are now commonplace in such news reports, books, and articles about renunciants. As a consequence, drug use and asceticism have become equated in the minds of many of those who look at the issue from this perspective. In contemporary times, this impression is supported because, when one attends a religious festival or pilgrimage site where nāgās congregate, chillum smoking is almost a certainty and many people assume all renunciants do likewise. This is not to say that drug use does not occur with sādhus from other orders, but such use is typically far less. Moreover, the practice is looked down upon in many of the orders as being antithetical to spiritual growth. 

Until the 1970s and early 1980s, the drugs used by nāgās, and the few other sādhus who imbibed, were almost always cannabis based. These included hashish and various potions made from marijuana leaves. However, as the number of young Europeans traveling overland to India increased, those who were drug users began to carry with them opium and heroin they had purchased in Afghanistan and Pakistan on the way. As they interacted with chillum-smokingnāgās, they would trade their drugs. Nāgā interest in these harder drugs gradually increased, as did their use. By the late 1990s, opium-based drugs were regularly being smoked by many nāgās, and these are now almost as common as cannabis-based drugs had been prior to the 1970s. 

An unfortunate trend that has developed through this process has been an increase in the number of drug-addicted nāgās. Because sādhus have traditionally been allowed to live outside of the social and legal paradigms of the existing society in order to seek transcendence and liberation, there is little in the culture to restrict their activities. Even many police officers will say little or nothing when a sādhu is doing something for which a householder might be arrested. At the same time, there are many nāgās who do not use drugs at all, especially the ones who have a focused sādhanā practice and in whose lives yogic practices are integral. Although they will privately criticize drug use by their brethren, most will not do so publicly. 

Internationalizing Renunciation 

During the colonial period, two organizations, one in Gujarat at the beginning of the 19th century and the other at the end of the century in Bengal, started their own monastic orders. Following much of the strictness of the saṃnyāsī model, but based on the teachings of their respective founding guru s, the two have become the largest international monastic orders of Hindu renunciants. Both include a highly disciplined and structured ascetic existence –sādhanā – that includes the practice of yoga, and devotion both to their founders and to many of the major deities of the Hindu pantheon. In doing so, they have taken what they see as the essence of the traditional saṃnyāsī Hindu renunciant approach and have modernized, personalized, and internationalized it. 

The Swaminarayan Sampraday began as a Vaiṣṇava denomination in the 18th century, the Uddhav Sampraday, which was founded by an ascetic from Ayodhya named Ramanand Swami. Shortly before his death in 1802, he named Swaminarayan as his successor. For the next three decades, Swaminarayan broadened the message and influence of the organization, which is centered in Gujarat and comprised primarily of householders. Since that time, the organization has expanded and split into several groups. Early in the 20th century, one such offshoot, theBochasanwasi Akshar Purushottam Swaminarayan Sanstha, also known as BAPS, came into existence, and it has become the predominant international form of the Sampraday. Today, BAPS has nearly a thousand male renunciants (there is no female order), nearly half of whom have a college education. Since the followers of the organization are essentially all Gujarati, the ethnic makeup of the sādhus reflects this. Moreover, in his study of them, R. Williams states that “Gujarati ethnicity is essential to personal and group identity” (Williams, 1998, 846). Increasingly, the organization has attracted financial support from the Gujarati business communities around the world. With temples in countries throughout Asia, Europe, Africa, and the Americas, close to a hundred of the monks are permanently based in the organization’s temples and religious centers outside of India. They play a pivotal role in spreading BAPS teachings and helping to oversee its temples around the world. 

The organization and its current leader regularly encourage young Gujarati men to either work for the betterment of the world and propagate the teachings of Swaminarayan by pursuing a professional career or to enter the renunciant life and become a sādhu. For the latter, BAPS has a training program in a relatively small village in western Gujarat, where initiates go through a process of study, instruction, and training for a four- to five-year period, depending on the initiate’s abilities and the needs of the organization. There are no caste restrictions on entrance and no distinctions in training or status. Once initiates take the final vows of celibacy, they are no longer to look at, talk to, correspond with, or come within five meters of any woman, except in a crowded situation where it is inevitable. In addition, they take vows that sharply restrict diet and personal possessions, including money. Surrender to the will of the guru and head of the order is paramount and seen as an important part of learning to let go of the ego (Williams, 1998, 849–851). 

Integral to the sādhanā of the sādhus is a comprehensive study of Hindu scriptures, from classical Sanskrit texts to the writings and teachings of Swaminarayan and the organization. Some also study various Indian and European languages, the basics of world religions, and public speaking. All the sādhus learn bhajan s, various forms of ritual worship, and other tasks traditionally performed by Brahman priests. All sādhanā is undertaken with the ultimate goal of liberation for other beings, as well as oneself. There are periodic meetings between individualsādhus and various teachers within the order, including with the head of BAPS, Pramukh Swami (Williams, 1998, 852–855). This is done to ensure that a sādhu is progressing along the path to enlightenment while doing the work of the organization, which is gradually expanding to better serve the needs of its followers. Although the organization is Gujarati in its ethnic and cultural form and function, at the same time it represents a broader form of Hinduism adapted to the needs of the contemporary social environments in which its followers exist. As such, its temples in India and abroad are increasingly drawing non-Gujarati Hindus and others who are attracted by the organization and its work. 

A decade or so before the formation of BAPS, the Ramakrishna Math and Mission came into being. (The bulk of the information on the Ramakrishna Mission has come from personal communication with Swami Tyagananda, Ramakrishna Mission member, head of the Vedanta Society in Boston, and Hindu chaplain of Harvard University.) In the late 1890s, after returning from four years of traveling in the United States and Europe, Swami Vivekananda, a member of the Daśanāmī order, founded the Ramakrishna Math, which became the monastic wing of the Ramakrishna Mission. Although it was initially organized for males, various female renunciants were informally connected with the order as well. In 1953, a separate order for females was officially organized as the Sri Sarada Math. Today, there are approximately 350 members (pravrājikās) of the Sarada Math. The Ramakrishna Mission has nearly 2,200 male renunciant members, called svāmīs, plus an additional 25 female members (also pravrājikās) who live and work outside of India. 

There are two primary sets of vows that all Ramakrishna Mission renunciants take. They are the same for everyone and are lifelong. The first set is called brahmacarya vrats (celibacy vows) and is only given after a probationary period of up to five years. At that time, he or she becomes a member of the order. After a minimum of four years as a brahmacārin (one who has taken a vow of celibacy), an individual is evaluated for fitness to adopt the life of a saṃnyāsī. If approved, he or she is given a final set of vows called saṃnyāsa vrats (renunciant vows). Because the Ramakrishna Mission is an international organization that places a strong emphasis on caste and gender equality and places no limitations on ethnic background, there are renunciants from many Indian castes, as well as non-Indians, within the order. 

The sādhanā of all the svāmīs of the Ramakrishna Mission is similar. Much of it centers around practices taught by Swami Vivekananda, namely his understanding and interpretation of the various kinds of yoga (bhaktiyoga, karmayoga, etc.). In addition, members undertake selfless work, self study, and any additional practices that may have been given by their respectivegurus. At first, only the president and the vice presidents of the order were qualified to give formal dīkṣā (initiation). With the proliferation of the Vedanta Society centers in the Western world, those svāmīs chosen to head the international centers are qualified to give formal dīkṣāas well. As for providing spiritual instructions and advice to those who request it, any knowledgeable monk is allowed to do so. There are very few restrictions on the interactions between renunciants and householders, and members of both groups typically work together on various programs and volunteer projects. For many in the West, the organization and its membership have been one of the first and most consistent faces of renunciation within the Hindu tradition. 

The Renunciant Life 

Looking from the outside, the life of Hindu ascetics is difficult to comprehend. While saṃnyāsīs appear to live an extremely strict and limited life, Nāth yogīs, Rāmānandīs, nāgās, and many other ascetics portray the image of socially liberated beings, unencumbered by family, children, job, home and societal restrictions, and even clothing. To many, they typify the quintessential free spirit. However, appearances usually fail to reveal the entire picture and are thus deceptive. In reality, the life of most ascetics, irrespective of their order, tends to be highly structured and disciplined, shaped in large part by restrictions, limitations, and vows. These are observed with the intention of accomplishing very specific nonphysical goals. The means they use to reach these ends is what constitutes their sādhanā practices. Sādhanā is seen to have multiple correlated functions. Initially, it is used to purify the body and the mind, as well as to burn off negative karman in the form of attachments, desires, fears, jealousies, and so on, thereby making one mentally, emotionally, and spiritually strong. In doing so, the individual is believed to gradually gain access to the power, knowledge, and peace that are all within the ātman , or individual soul. As one continues on the path, his or her sādhanā is the vehicle for reaching higher states of consciousness and awareness. These lead to greater nonattachment, and also to more power, knowledge, and peace. Ultimately, sādhanā is the means through which the ascetic reaches his or her desired goal, be it wisdom (jñān/gyān), liberation (mukti), and/or devotion (bhakti). 

Hindus traditionally believe that everything one does, including sādhanā, has karmic results, and these are dependent to a large extent upon the intentions of the doer. One’s intentions are a major influence in determining what the karmic consequences of one’s actions will be. Those done with material goals in mind will lead to material results, those done with spiritual goals in mind typically lead in a spiritual direction, and so on. To most ascetics, the attainments gained through sādhanā are an important part of the progression of the ascetic life. The fruits of one’ssādhanā are said to be enhanced when religious vows are attached; the more strict the vows and the more severe the practices, the greater the results. Thus, while the life of the sādhuclearly involves a renunciation of involvement with material possessions, for many it also involves an amassing of spiritual fruits and power. It is with this view in mind that many sādhus undertake ascetic practices and the associated vows. These include restrictions on food, clothing, sitting and standing, sleeping, talking, and so on. Each one is meant to challenge a comfort and attachment. A brief look at a few of these will help reveal the hows and whys of these practices. 

All traditional orders and the vast majority of contemporary orders mandate a vegetarian diet. With rare exception, ascetics see this as an a priori part of the renunciant life. However, how this is understood tends to vary somewhat. For some, it simply means no consumption of meat products (including fish and poultry), eggs, and alcoholic beverages. For others, there is a variety of additional restrictions on food types, such as prohibitions against the consumption of garlic and onions, eggplant or tomatoes, tea and coffee. Restrictions may also apply to when one can eat and from whom food is accepted or acceptable. Vratas that restrict food intake are an important part of a sādhu’s life for two principal reasons. First, attachment to taste is believed to be connected with sexual desires and is thus regarded as one of the most powerful of the sensual addictions. Therefore, one who learns to control attachment to taste and unnecessary food consumption is believed to have a greater ability to maintain celibacy as well as attainvairāgya, or nonattachment, to other addictions and attachments. Thus, fasting and celibacy are directly related. Because learning nonattachment to physical desires is seen as a fundamental aspect of the renunciant life, any practice that helps one develop control of the senses is seen as essential. The second reason that food restriction vows are important concerns matters of purity. Even foods acceptable within the typical vegetarian Hindu diet, such as onions, garlic, root vegetables, eggplant, and so forth, are rejected by many ascetics as being non-sāttvika, or impure foods. For orthodox Daśanāmī saṃnyāsī, this is interpreted from the standpoint of Brahmanical views of purity and pollution. Because they do not traditionally cook, Daśanāmīs not residing at a monastery are supposed to get their food by begging. A significant number limit the cooked food they will accept to that prepared by high-caste persons and/or that cooked in ghee. Some will not even take water from a non-high-caste person. In addition, there may be limits on the number of places where they may ask for food each day, depending upon the suborder to which sannyāsīs belong. Other restrictions may involve the kinds of containers in which one can accept food. Those who are calledparamahaṃsa, for example, do not carry a begging bowl but only accept whatever food will fit in their cupped hands (Keemattam, 1997, 63–65). Limiting food consumption to once or twice a day is another common restrictive practice. Nāgā saṃnyāsīs, however, typically do not follow the same level of restrictions, and many cook food or take food from a much wider variety of people. 

Vairāgīs and most other Vaiṣṇava sādhus also focus on the concept of purity and pollution, but in a different way. They tend to accept cooked food from most people they know to be pure vegetarians. Traditionally, among the ways this fact can be known is by the presence of tulsībeads worn around one’s neck or by the wearing of a Vaiṣṇava tilaka. Today, however, such outward signs do not necessarily mean this, so most Vaiṣṇava sādhus would rather be given uncooked food, such as grains, dried beans, and vegetables, which they will prepare for themselves. Similarly, Udāsīs prefer to accept uncooked food as offerings, which they will then prepare. Some sādhus avoid eating in any householder’s home or eating food that has been prepared by a householder, irrespective of the latter’s caste, the primary reason having to do with differing concepts of purity and pollution. 

Food restrictions can vary greatly. Fasting one day a week, such as on Tuesday, is quite common, as is fasting on the full and new moons, and the 11th day after each, and on a variety of holy days. Not eating after dark is another, as is limiting oneself to eating once a day. A small but significant minority of sādhus regularly observe a diet known as phalāhār. Phalāhārīs abstain from the consumption of all grains and grain products, root vegetables such as carrots and white radish, most legumes, tea, and sea salt. They will eat certain grainlike seeds, such as buckwheat and amaranthus. Sādhus who adopt this as a permanent or semipermanent (such as 12 years) diet are typically called phalāhārī (fruit eater). Others observe a monodiet, such as only potatoes, only wheat products, or only rice. This may be done as part of an anuṣṭhāna for a particular time period, or it may be adopted as a lifelong vow. Prohibitions against meat products, eggs, and the like are done in adherence to the belief in ahiṃsā, or nonviolence. Garlic, onion, and caffeine are rejected out of the belief that they activate mental restlessness and may stimulate sensual desires as well. Most other dietary restrictions, except by Daśanāmīs, are undertaken simply as a means to overcome desires and attachments to food in general. 

A vow of silence, or mauna, is one of the oldest forms of tapasya undertaken by sādhus, and its essential challenge is purely psychological. The literal meaning of mauna is “abstinence from speech,” and for short periods of time, it is considered an immensely helpful aid to all persons who do sādhanā. Depending on the actual vow, writing and/or chanting may or may not be allowed. Silence is believed to be conducive for the development of inner strength and concentration; thus, while the vow deals strictly with the physical act of silence, the objective is to achieve mental silence or stillness of the mind. A vow of silence undertaken for short periods of time is a common practice today. Some ascetics will take a vow to remain silent from the time they wake up until they have completed all their morning rituals, which may take several hours. Silence on certain days of the week or of the month, such as Tuesdays or full-moon days, is another common method. As a part of an anuṣṭhāna, silence is also a common feature. 

From an external perspective, silence appears to be a passive practice but in reality is extremely difficult for many. Undertaking it without proper preparation and mindset can lead to a variety of negative consequences, including deep anxiety and frustration, emotional depression, anger, and even physical illness. Here, a practice initiated for attaining peace and happiness can have contrary results. For this reason, many ascetics will only practice silence for short periods of time, typically one to nine days. Nevertheless, there are those who find this type of vrata compatible with their particular personalities, and they may be drawn deeper into the practice and end up remaining mauna for very long periods, some even for the remainder of their lives. In many ways, the practice of mauna epitomizes the renunciant goal of indifference to, or detachment from, the external world. The presence of mauni sādhus, then, has a strong symbolic role in the ascetic community and a sign of commitment in the eyes of householders. 

Vows that place restriction on bodily position or movement are among the more physically challenging forms of tapasya. These vows not only require a great deal of physical and mental discipline, stamina, and will power, but also demand a willingness to inflict on one’s body great physical discomfort and possibly even permanent disfigurement. Two methods that date back to ancient times, and are still practiced today, involve not sitting down and keeping one’s hand and arm raised above one’s head. Those who undertake the former are called khaṛeśvarī(standing deity). They generally hang a swing or rope from a tree or post, which is used to support the upper part of their body when they rest. Those who take the vow traditionally attempt to do so for a 12-year period. However, problems with blood circulation are inevitable, and many who begin the austerity have to abort it because of acute and dangerous physical complications. During the kumbhmelā holy festival of 2001, one vairāgī ended the practice that he had continued for 23 years. At the time, he had four disciples who were in various stages of a 12-year vow of the same practice. A less intense but still difficult variant of this practice consists of a vow to not lie down. One who takes this vow is permitted to sit and usually uses a T-shaped piece of wood or a forked branch to support his upper body when he rests or sleeps. Those who keep an arm raised are referred to as urdhvabāhu (raised arm). Within several months or so of beginning the practice, the joints of the arm ossify sufficiently that it can no longer be brought down. After that, the practitioner permanently loses use of the arm. Although these practices are quite rare today, there are still Rāmānandī, Udāsī, nāgā, and Aghorī sādhus who undertake them. J.C. Oman’s account of sādhus from the beginning of the 20th century mentions seeing ascetics performing a variety of similar austerities, including one vairāgī who had held up and thereby lost use of both arms (Oman, 1903, 36–52, 214).

The purpose of such body-position austerities is clearly to take one beyond attachment to physical comfort. Sādhus who undertake such vows say that what one loses physically is more than offset by what one gains spiritually. Although they have always been among the less frequently practiced forms of tapasya, these vows have nevertheless continued to be options for those who find such austerities useful and compelling. Those who feel the necessity of such extreme practices say that they do so for purification and for freedom from body attachment. As one Rāmānandī sādhu explained,

Any type of sādhanā that accomplishes the goal of physical, mental, and spiritual purification is a valid practice. This is so even if the practice results in permanent bodily damage. The body is a vehicle for us to reach liberation. We must drive it hard and not worry about the consequences on the vehicle, for once we succeed, the vehicle can be discarded. (Personal interview with a Rāmānandī teacher at the kumbhmelā at Prayag, January 2001.) 

Conclusion 

The renunciant life has continued to be an attractive one in India. As the society at large expands, becomes more Western in form and content, and challenges traditional Hindu values and concepts of the individual, of society, and of reality, there will always be those who look to step away from the prevalent social system. There are those who seek to run away from someone or something, and there are those in search of something. Irrespective of the impetus, those who adopt the renunciant life with a commitment to learning from it have the potential to discover things about themselves that are often difficult to find when one is immersed in a life that is evaluated based on external accomplishments, possessions, name, and fame. The ascetic life exists as one of the few remaining connections that Hindus can have with a past that has been all but forgotten in nearly every other aspect of their present-day existence. Ironically, it has been the popularity of yoga in the West that has inspired many Westernized urban Indians to undertake the practice as well. In the process, this has opened the door for some contemporary ascetics and yogīs to reintroduce to many urban Hindus a part of their ancient religious culture about which they had no previous knowledge, but through which many are finding a more serene sense of self.