Tilaka and Other Forehead Marks

The most commonplace yet ambiguous manifestation of Hindu religion and culture is the forehead mark worn by many adherents. Women traditionally wear the mark most often; however, in many parts of India, male ascetics, temple priests, and devotees also put on the marks in a prominent manner, though in general, most men wear it only for religious rituals. Like many symbols, practices, and rituals in the Hindu traditions, these marks have multiple meanings. Factors such as the gender and marital status of the person wearing it, the occasion for which the mark is worn, the shape and materials with which it is made, the particular sectarian community ( sampradāya ) from which one comes, and, occasionally, one's caste, may play a role in how the mark will be interpreted. 

A tilaka (small, like a tila, or sesame seed) refers to a mark of adornment that people of Indian origin – primarily Hindus – wear on their foreheads. The word tilaka, implying “ornament” or "adornment,” is popular as part of titles of scholarly treatises in many fields in India. Just as a mark adorns a forehead and renders the face beautiful, certain texts are deemed as the “ornament of” or an adornment to a philosophical tradition, and calling it a tilaka indicates the high regard in which that text is being held. In everyday speech, tilaka is used to refer to one of the many forehead marks used by men and women, but those that are purely cosmetic in nature, and worn by women, are commonly called bindī. 

Although frequently interpreted as a mark of being married when women wear it, forehead marks can be more complex and both be secular and have sectarian meanings within the many Hindu traditions. Unmarried girls, as well as women from other religious traditions in India, wear it as a beauty mark. While many women in India wear the forehead mark with red powder – kuṃkum (made from saffron or other flower petals) or sindūr (vermilion made from cinnabar) – they also wear marks of different colors and change the color and shape of the mark to match their outfits. When women go to Hindu temples of South Indian provenance, they are given red kuṃkum (Tam. kuṅkumam) powder in the shrine of the goddess as a sign of the deity’s favor. Men also wear forehead marks on ritual occasions, and it is recognized as a symbol of auspiciousness and victory; bridegrooms, for instance, are adorned with these marks, or young boys and men can be anointed with one as a symbol of good wishes or good luck. In religious contexts, the shape and color frequently denote the wearer’s adherence to a specific sectarian movement. This article will deal with forehead marks as adornment (tilaka), as markers of sectarian affiliation, as well as the ritual practices and interpretive traditions that govern their application. The words frequently used to denote a sectarian mark are ūrdhvapuṇḍra (lit. upward rising [like a] lotus blossom), which is common in many Vaiṣṇava traditions; chandlo (dot), used more specifically by the Swaminarayan tradition; and nāma (lit. name) or the Tamil tirumaṇkāppu (Tam.; lit. sacred clay that protects) used in the Śrīvaiṣṇava tradition. Vibhūti (lit. glory) is sometimes used as a honorific to denote the sacred ash worn by Śaiva devotees. 

Despite the popularity of forehead marks, there is relatively little information on them in Sanskrit or vernacular literatures or in secondary sources. Several statements regarding the importance and value of the sectarian forehead marks are attributed to the Purāṇas, especially the Brahmāṇḍapurāṇa, but several of these are not found in the versions of the Purāṇas that are extant today. There are also discussions in Sanskrit texts composed in the last five hundred years or so. These statements discuss the materials with which one can make sectarian marks, the mode of application (which fingers are to be employed), as well as the connections between forehead marks and one’s caste and station of life ( āśrama ). Teachers of sectarian sampradāyas, like the Swaminarayan tradition, as well as preceptors such as Vedāntadeśika in the Śrīvaiṣṇava tradition, have also written about the names of Viṣṇu and the mantras to be recited while applying the marks. Most of the interpretive information on meanings of forehead marks, however, is based on oral traditions; ethnographic studies, particularly those written by Western scholars in the early 20th century, and, in recent years, several Internet blogs, discuss the ways of applying a sectarian mark as well as their meanings. 

If thought of as a hologram, the forehead mark may give composite, interlocking information of some important ideas in the many Hindu traditions. At the simplest level, the mark, the tilaka, is a form of adornment, with decorative value, as innocuous as a beauty mark, and a part of a large repertoire of ornamentation used to enhance appearance. Over the centuries, men and women in India have painted different parts of their bodies and faces; the drawing of the tilaka was an important part of this decorative exercise. In this spirit, most of the marks worn by women today are stickers in different colors and shapes, with little more theological value than being complementary to the attire the person is wearing. As such, many people dismiss it as not being a “religious” mark and think of it as “Indian” rather than Hindu. 

Theoretically, one can make a loose distinction between forehead marks that women regularly wear as a decorative exercise and marks worn by men and women as part of their “religious” affiliation. Historically, Buddhists and Jains in India also used forehead marks; some orders of holy Muslim men have also, in the past, worn forehead marks (Entwistle, 1982, 65). Further, many Christians wear forehead marks, and the religious boundaries of who should wear one seem blurred, congruent with the fuzzy boundaries between the sacred and secular in India. As an Indian practice, which symbolizes nothing more than a warm welcome and auspiciousness, it is offered to tourists who come to the country. Indian Catholic nuns in communities in Europe also offer kuṃkum and apply a tilaka on visitors on special days. 

However, while the marks are a symbol of happiness, auspiciousness, and decoration to millions of people, they can hold more meanings for others. Hindu married women see the mark as a symbol of their married status and as a marker of the role that they play in society. Many marks also denote sectarian or religious affiliation. When worn correctly in ritual situations, the shape and color tell us not only which Hindu deity the person worships but also to which socioreligious community one belongs. Apart from the decorative and sectarian information the mark may transmit, there are several other meanings that are ascribed to it by oral tradition as well as Hindu sacred texts that belong to the last millennium. 

The material with which the mark is made depends on the sectarian Hindu tradition that one belongs to and the purpose for which the mark is worn. Bindīs may be stickers or made with colored paste, kuṃkum, which many married women wear, is made from the petals of flowers, and the main component of sindūr, worn by married women (frequently from northern India) near the partition of their hair, high on their foreheads, is vermilion. Religious, sectarian marks that denote whether you are a follower of a particular god may be made with white clay, sandalwood paste, smoke collyrium, or ash made in specific, controlled environment, and so on. It is sometimes speculated that thousands of years ago the mark may have been made with the blood of a sacrificed animal (Entwistle, 1982, 2) to ward off evil. 

Origins of the Mark 

The origins of these marks are not clear, and sectarian marks probably appeared much later in the history of Hinduism, possibly no earlier than 500 CE. Sculptural evidence from other religious traditions such as Buddhism and Jainism is fairly strong, and even the earliest images of the Buddha have the ūrṇā or mark on them (Entwistle, 1982, 3-4). Frequently, this mark was a kind of sculptural indent, and, in later years, a jewel was placed in it. This motif seems to have been anticipated possibly as early as the time of the Indus Valley civilization, around 3000 BCE. A figure, tentatively identified as a priest-king, wears a forehead medallion and may be a forerunner of a later Hindu-Buddhist-Jain practice. A. Parpola (1994) has also argued that wearing some colored mark on the forehead goes back to its religion. J.M. Kenoyer notes: "Rare painted terracotta figurines provide a glimpse of how some people dressed and what ornaments they wore…Many female figurines have a streak of vermilion painted in the middle part of their hair, and the male figurines show heavy black eye liner or kohl. Both forms of adornment are still practiced by many ethnic communities throughout the subcontinent" (Kenoyer, 1998, 44). 

J.M. Kenoyer identifies another object as a female figurine with “traces of red pigment in the hair part.” This figurine found at Nausharo, Baluchistan, is dated to Period IB, that is, 2800-2600 BCE (Kenoyer, 1998, 44-45). The mark on the forehead from this period may or may not have been the vermilion of later centuries; J.M. Kenoyer suggests that "[t]his form of ornamentation may be the origin of the later Hindu tradition where a married woman wears a streak of vermilion or powdered cinnabar (sindur) in the part of her hair" (Kenoyer, 1998, 186) .

Early surviving bodily markings in the Indian subcontinent are also seen in the Buddhist stūpa of Bharhut (c. 2nd cent. BCE), where carvings of women with many marks on their faces are depicted. There are round marks on the forehead, a variety of lines and clusters of dots, as well as crescent moons and floral patterns on other parts of the faces (Basu, 2010, 242). We find references to tilakas in the epics Mahābhārata and Rāmāyaṇa (c. 500-400 BCE; Shah, 1986, 49). Like many issues in Hinduism, however, it is difficult to date sectarian marks precisely because such marks were frequently added to images in later centuries. It is possible that perhaps the Manusmṛti (4.200) refers to religious marks, but there is nothing to indicate that they are specifically forehead marks: "When someone earns a livelihood by wearing the insignia of a religious profession to which he does not belong he takes upon himself the sins of those belonging to that religious profession and is reborn in the womb of an animal" (Olivelle, 2009, 79).

Life-affirming and Life-negating Values 

Many of the interpretations of the tilaka present some of the important themes that recur in the history of the Hindu traditions. Although the beauty and sectarian marks for the forehead may have become popular only in the last two millennia, many significant notions of the supreme reality, as well as concepts central to the study of the many Hindu communities, castes, and traditions, are represented through them. 

Perhaps the first observation that can be made about the tilaka is that it is simultaneously decorative, that is, secular, as well as religious, and is emblematic of both the realms of dharma as well as theological orientation. Many early references to the marks speak of them as decorative, as part of a longer and more pervasive exercise in painting one's face, breasts, and bodies (Shah, 1986, 50-52; Entwistle, 1982, 2). However, men and women also wear marks on their forehead and other parts of the body to show which god they worship. Temples with South Indian modes of worship, all over the world, frequently send kuṃkum packets to devotees. Kuṃkum is frequently dabbed on to the image of the goddess in a temple and then distributed among those who visit. This kuṃkum, which is blessed by the deity, is worn regularly by Hindus, particularly from South India; even women who wear plastic bindīs often pause to put a hint of this sacred powder on their foreheads to proclaim that their husbands are alive. This socioreligious aspect is not acknowledged by the Indian Christians who wear the mark. Jains who wear the mark of sandalwood paste may think of it as a mark of their acceptance of Mahāvīra's teachings. 

A tilaka is understood to have protective functions as well. It is kāppu (protection) in Tamil, but it is understood to protect one from harm from outside as well as from inner emotions and attitudes like lust, anger, egotism, and so on, which are considered negative. This protection is said to enhance the quality of life and also lead one toward liberation from the cycle of life and death ( saṃsāra ). 

As part of her dharma, or correct behavior, a woman may wear a red tilaka as a form of adornment when her husband is alive. She may stop wearing them when he dies, because a faithful wife is to decorate herself only for her husband according to some texts; but a devotee who may believe that the supreme deity is her protector will always wear a sectarian forehead mark, which is the sign of her spiritual relationship with the deity. 

Just as the kuṃkum or sindūr mark is emblematic of life-affirming values, horizontal forehead marks, made of ash (vibhūti) and symbolic of Śiva, may represent detachment. Ashes symbolize abandonment or death to the world, and when used on the forehead, the aspirant may show his or her aspiration for renunciation. 

Concepts of the Deity: Gods and Goddesses 

In general, rising, vertical forehead marks (ūrdhvapuṇḍra) denote that one is a follower of the god Viṣṇu and the goddess Lakṣmī, or a devotee of Lord Kṛṣṇa, whom most Hindus hold to be an incarnation of Viṣṇu. Horizontal or slightly curved crescent marks made of ash or other substances with a red dot in the middle denote that the person wearing it worships Śiva and Mahādevī or Devī. Usually, combinations of various dots and crescents would show a preference for Devī in one of her many manifestations as Pārvatī, Durgā, Śakti, or Kālī. 

Some forehead marks portray two vertical lines with an empty space in between; others may wear a round dot (bindu; now known by the colloquial umbrella term bindī, which refers to all forehead marks). The empty space or the circle is considered to be indicative of the ineffable nature of the supreme being, brahman (Entwistle, 1982, 15). Since both theistic and nontheistic (i.e. those who do not believe in the ultimate reality of a personal god with a form [ saguṇa ]) Hindus generally accept that the supreme being is beyond words and beyond description, this empty space in the circle would articulate this sentiment. In an extension of this belief, one sometimes encounters two dots, one white and one black. The white dot is said to portray the supreme being (brahman), who has no attributes ( nirguṇa ), and who is beyond description; the black dot symbolizes the belief that the supreme deity has a form, as well as glorious qualities (saguṇa) like mercy, compassion, and generosity. Hindu devotional and philosophical texts describe the supreme being in these two ways. Some texts speak of the supreme being as having no attributes and qualities, and others say that the supreme being is endowed with countless auspiciousness, joyous attributes such as grace, which serve to rescue human beings from evil, as well as the cycle of life and death (Entwistle, 1982, 15). 

Some Hindus interpret the two vertical lines on their foreheads as emblematic of the gods Brahmā and Śiva, and that the space in between was the seat of the supreme Viṣṇu and Śrī-Lakṣmī (Entwistle, 1982, 13). The Rāmānandīs, who consider Rāma instead of Viṣṇu to be the supreme god, wear their forehead mark as three vertical lines: the central line is said to represent Sītā (seen as an incarnation of Lakṣmī) and the two other lines represent Rāma and Lakṣmaṇa, the brother of Rāma (Entwistle, 1982, 13-14). 

Sectarian Traditions 

The shape and color of the forehead mark not only tells us which deity is followed by the person wearing it, thus giving a particular religious message in a telegraphic manner, as in the Rāmānandī sect noted above, but also indicates which theologian or philosopher is important in the religious community from which the person hails. Viṣṇu, Śiva, or Devī may be worshipped by many different Hindu communities, each of them coming to the forefront when a charismatic leader or philosopher interprets a set of holy texts in a particular way. This leader's followers may form a distinctive community and distinguish themselves from other similar communities through the use of forehead marks, among other markers. 

Members of the Śrīvaiṣṇava community of South India wear either a white U- or Y-shaped mark (depending on whether they belong to the Vaṭakalai or Teṅkalai subsect) made of white clay with a red or yellow line in the middle. This U- or Y-shaped mark is called the ūrdhvapuṇḍra (Tam. ūrttuvapuṇṭaram) and is made from tirumaṇ (the sacred clay). The U-shaped mark symbolizes the foot of Viṣṇu. And the Y-shaped mark the two feet of Viṣṇu, which are like lotus flowers with the vertical line at the bottom the stalk. In both the red line denotes Śrī, the goddess who is inseparable from Viṣṇu. The foot of Viṣṇu and the presence of Śrī are markers of divine grace. While this mark shows that the person wearing it is a devotee of Viṣṇu and Śrī, it also precisely pinpoints that the person belongs to the Śrīvaiṣṇava tradition, which acknowledges the theologian Rāmānuja as the prime interpreter of Vedānta texts. Both men and women wear this mark, but the U for the woman is smaller and more like a stylized crescent. Temple walls, temple elephants, and images of deities are all adorned with these marks. These subsects in the Śrīvaiṣṇava tradition do have theological differences and have frequently taken their battles to court on whether a U- or Y-shaped mark should adorn the foreheads of temple elephants and temple walls. 

Other Viṣṇu devotees may revere teachers like Madhva (c. 1238-1317), Vallabha (1479-1531), Swaminarayan (1781-1830), or other teachers. Followers can be identified purely from the shape of the marks and the substances with which they are made. Members of the Mādhva Sampradāya or the Vallabha Sampradāya also wear marks representative of Viṣṇu but made of different materials. The marks worn by members of the Mādhva Sampradāya involve a combination of many shapes and substances. They use a yellow clay called gopīcandana (lit. sandalwood paste of the cowherd girls), which is found in a particular part of the state of Gujarat, a red dot made of the ash of plantain flowers, turmeric, and a line drawn with soot mixed with an oily substance. The marks worn by members of the Vallabha Sampradāya are drawn with substances from the saffron plant. 

The importance as well as the plurality of meanings attributed to forehead marks is summarized in a passage in Prameya Ratnāvaḷi, an 18th-century work by Baladeva Vidyabhūṣaṇa, which is important in the Gauḍīya Vaiṣṇava and ISKCON movement: "A person should mark his lineage with the letters of Hari’s name, using sandalwood or other such material. That person purifies the world and attains Hari’s world…The most auspicious forehead mark is a straight upwards line on the forehead. The scriptures speak of it in many ways – as signifying the temple of Hari, as the shape of his feet, as a carrier of great auspiciousness, and so on" (PrRaĀv. 8.5-6; trans. R. Gupta, personal communication).

Members of the Swaminarayan movement wear an ūrdhvapuṇḍra known in Gujarat as the chandlo. In addition to the forehead, men wear the marks on the chest and arms as well. As in the Śrīvaiṣṇava tradition, here too, the rising white lines represent the foot of Viṣṇu, and the red dot in the middle represents Lakṣmī, though the Bochasanwasi Shri Akshar Purushottam Swaminarayan Sanstha (BAPS) subsect also say that “the tilak is representative of Bhagwan Swaminarayan’s (the revered founder’s) feet, and the chandlo is representative of the devotee” (“Tilak-Chandlo – BAPS,” 2013). 

Thus, in some contexts, the forehead mark tells us not only which deity is worshipped by the person wearing it, but also which theological community he or she belongs to. 

Sectarian Marks and Their Connection to Caste and Stage of Life 

While in general the forehead marks disclose sectarian, community affiliation and not caste or jāti, the social division that one is born into, some texts do mandate the shape, materials, and number of forehead marks that people from the four major divisions of society should wear (Entwistle, 1982, 6; Shah, 1986, 21). The Padmapurāṇa says that the tilaka of Brahmans should have vertical lines, kings or Kṣatriyas should have a plain tilaka, Vaiśyas or merchants should have horizontal marks, and Śūdras should wear three horizontal lines (see Entwistle, 1982, 6). In a popular verse attributed to the Brahmāṇḍapurāṇa, but which is not found in the text extant now, it is said that "a Brahman should wear the rising mark (ūrdhvapuṇḍra); a Kṣatriya, the half-moon mark (ardhacandrākārapuṇḍra); a Vaiśya, the round-shaped mark; and a Śūdra, three horizontal lines." 

Although verses like these are found in a number of primary sources, there seems to be no evidence that they were followed, and that the marks indicated the caste from which one hailed. In fact, contrary to this injunction, the wearing of the vertical Vaiṣṇava or horizontal Śaiva marks is said to transcend distinctions created by the social divisions. Devotion to a particular god is therefore considered to be more important than the trappings of caste according to some communities (Entwistle, 1982, 12-13). 

Vedāntadeśika in his Paṉṉirunāmam specifies the fingers to be used in the application of the ūrdhvapuṇḍra. A Brahman is to use the anāmika (lit. the nameless one; a reference to the ring finger); a Kṣatriya thumb; a Vaiśya his index finger; and the others are to use their middle fingers. Sometimes, the fingers with which one is to paint the mark relates to the station or āśrama of life. A brahmacārin is to use his thumb; a gṛhastha his ring finger; and a saṃnyāsin his index finger. 

The finger used for putting on the ūrdhvapuṇḍra on the body is also supposed to give rise to specific benefits. A verse attributed to the Brahmāṇḍapurāṇa speaks about the benefits of wearing specific colored tilakas but goes on to also denote which fingers should be used in applying it. A black tilaka is said to confer peace; a red tilaka will bring obedience and control; a yellow one will bring wealth; and one that is white will make one devoted to Visṇu. A tilaka of correct size, says the text, if made using one’s fingers – other ways are with a silver stylus or a tree stick – will offer the god’s support and blessing; a tilaka in the center of the forehead will give one a long life, the tilaka made using the third finger will deliver joy. 

The Three Horizontal Lines of Śaiva Devotees 

Followers of Śiva wear three horizontal or crescent marks on their foreheads, sometimes called the tripuṇḍra. The Bṛhajjābālopaniṣad, a little-known text sacred to some communities and probably written within the last thousand years, interprets the three lines in several ways. The text says that the three lines symbolize three of the four Vedas, scriptures par excellence in the many Hindu traditions (Entwistle, 1982, 8). The three Vedas in this context are said to be the Ṛgveda, the Sāmaveda, and the Yajurveda.                                                                                             

Some textual passages hold the three horizontal lines that one may wear on one's forehead to be symbolic of the three basic "qualities" (guṇas) inherent in all of nature, including human beings (Entwistle, 1982, 6). The three qualities are said to be sattva (purity), rajas (passion, energy), and tamas (inertia, stupor). Human beings, food, castes, and even gods have a predominance of one quality over the other, and the three lines in a horizontal forehead mark are said to remind us of the qualities of existence. 

In lauding a sectarian affiliation, some texts occasionally denigrate other movements. Thus, a verse attributed to the Skandapurāṇa says that if one even sees a person wearing the horizontal forehead marks denoting devotion to Śiva or touches such a person, one should wash oneself to get rid of the impurity. This text goes on to say that wearing such a mark is not pleasing Viṣṇu (Entwistle, 1982, 6). Although harmony has characterized a good deal of the relationship between the various traditions, intolerance can also be seen occasionally when overzealous devotees claim exclusive salvific knowledge for themselves and discriminate against others. In practice, however, such sectarian intolerance is extremely rare. 

The Sounds of the Sacred Name: Mantra and Meaning 

Some devotees of Śiva who wear three horizontal lines say that they represent the three syllables of the sacred Hindu sound oṃ (Entwistle, 1982, 14; Shah, 1986, 14). This sound is usually broken up into three letters, a, u, and ṃ, and this mantra is common to Hindus, Buddhists, and Jains in India. Prayers, invocations, and meditation sessions all begin and end with the slow chanting of this three-syllabled mantra. 

Some followers of Viṣṇu refer to the forehead mark as nāma. They apply the marks on 12 different parts of the body, including the forehead, and as they paint each one on, they recite and meditate on a name of Viṣṇu. Just saying these names is said to bring upon oneself spiritual merit. When Viṣṇu devotees apply the nāma on 12 places on the body, they meditate on a particular name of Viṣṇu for each application. Thus, when the mark is put on the forehead, the particular name of Viṣṇu uttered is Keśava (“The One Whose Hair Is Long, Uncut, and Beautiful”); the devotee reverentially says, "hail to Keśava." Most Vaiṣṇavas have an elaborate procedure of saying a sacred verse when putting each mark on their body and a special mantra when painting the central line or dot, which signifies the Śrī. Followers of ISKCON, more popularly known as the Hare Krishnas, also wear the 12 marks (including the one on the forehead) and call these both tilaka and ūrdhvapuṇḍra. Bhaktivedanta Prabhupada, in commenting on the Bhāgavatapurāṇa 4.12.28 says: "In Kali-yuga one can hardly acquire gold or jeweled ornaments, but the twelve tilaka marks on the body are sufficient as auspicious decorations to purify the body" (“Bhāgavata Purāṇa,” 2013).

Devotees of Śiva are urged to wear the mark on 32 parts of the human body. Each name has a specific meaning that reminds the devotee about the supremacy, accessibility, or salvific narratives of the deity. 

Pilgrimage and Sacrality of Local Places; Physical and Moral Purity 

As mentioned above, the members of the Mādhva Sampradāya as well as of the Swaminarayan Sampradāya wear forehead marks made with a material called gopīcandana. This is a clay that is yellow-beige in color, found in some regions of the western state of Gujarat. Many myths explain the occurrence of the clay in that particular area. In one such narrative, we hear that the cowherd girlfriends (gopīs) of Lord Kṛṣṇa were filled with agony when he moved away from them. When they eventually meet him again, he tells them that he will live forever in their hearts. He creates a new lake nearby to commemorate their love and says that the light-beige clay on its banks would be the best material to make the symbols on one's forehead. Similar stories claim the importance of a dozen or more different kinds of materials from various parts of India. Thus, white clay from Chitrakut, a place where Rāma is said to have stayed while in exile, is used by members of the Rāmānandī tradition. Followers of the Gauḍīya Vaiṣṇava community take clay from a lake called Radha Kund in Braj, a spot where Rādhā, the consort of Kṛṣṇa, used to play and dance. It is said that Caitanya (1486-1583) found this spot, danced on the banks, and applied the mud to his forehead. His followers have continued to do so. Similarly, many communities who worship Kṛṣṇa value the earth from the land of Braj, the land where Kṛṣṇa and Rādhā walked. The different clays have different hues when mixed with water. 

The legend of the gopīcandana, however, does not glorify a famous pilgrimage center, but a particular locality near Dwarka, Gujarat. Thousands of such legends exist in the Hindu tradition, extolling the merits of a specific local place – a village, a hill, a lake – and claim that visiting that shrine or bathing in the waters is equal to, or better than, visiting the holy pilgrimage spot of Kashi (Banaras or Varanasi) or bathing in the Gaṅgā River. The mud from these pilgrimage centers is recommended for the marks that one wears on one’s forehead and on other parts of the body. The Pancaratra Pradipa, an English text published by ISKCON, states: "The Padma Purāṇa quotes Yamaraja as saying that gopi-candana and earth from the base of a tulasi plant are the best materials for making tilaka. If neither of these is available, says the Padma Purāṇa, one may use the earth from the top of a mountain, the bank of a river, a pond, the foot of a bilva tree, the seashore, an ant hill, or especially holy places of pilgrimage such as Sri Rangam, Venkata-giri, Kurma-ksetra, Varaha-ksetra, Narasimha-tirtha, Dvaraka, or Prayaga. Following in the footsteps of Lord Caitanya, one may also use mud from Radha-kunda in Vrndavana to make tilaka" (Pancaratra Pradipa, 1993, 34). Several sacred places are mentioned in this passage and glorified. Most devotees, however, get the materials for their sectarian mark from the local stores that specialize in such products. 

Purity: Physical, Ritual, Moral 

The wearing of the gopīcandana on one’s forehead is said to purify one and is said to be equivalent to bathing in the Gaṅgā River (Entwistle, 1982, 24). Many others make other kinds of connections between inner purity and outer symbols. In many parts of Tamil Nadu applying ash, which is sacred to Śiva, on one's forehead is said to purify one of inner sins (Entwistle, 1982, 8-9) and alter one's attitude – in a positive manner – toward other human beings. Similarly, the body of one who wears the rising marks sacred to Viṣṇu is said to be equivalent to a pure temple. 

In addition to these kinds of purity, there are other kinds of purity and pollution attached to caste, death, menstruation, and so on. In some communities, the shedding of blood also marks pollution, and so the rituals attached to death and menstruation are considered to be ritually polluting either to the individual or to a whole clan. During the time of ritual pollution, some Hindu communities prohibit the wearing of forehead marks. 

Meditation and the Eye of Wisdom 

Some texts and images portray the god Śiva as having a third eye right in the center of his forehead. While most Hindus believe that this eye is unique to Śiva, in oral traditions and in meditative practice, it is held that all human beings have a nascent "eye" of wisdom in their foreheads. This eye is said to generate spiritual heat (see tapas ) and will open at a time of intense religious experience. Thus, the forehead mark is said to represent this third eye of wisdom (Entwistle, 1982, 6). Members of the Swaminarayan tradition as well as others believe that the mark is placed on the forehead because “it is the place of Agnya Chakra [i.e. ājñācakra, the sixth cakra], the commanding center of spiritual power” (“Tilak-Chandlo,” 2013). Some interpreters say that the use of herbal powders on the outer skin of the forehead regulates this spiritual energy for the devotee. 

The Auspicious State of Being Married 

A round, decorative, forehead mark is seen as a symbol of saubhāgya (good fortune) in many texts as well as in popular practice in India. Androcentric texts interpret good fortune for a woman as the state of being married and having her husband alive (sumaṅgalī, pativratā), a state that is probably good fortune for the husband as well. Thus, in many communities of Hinduism, it was mandatory practice for the woman to remove this symbol of good fortune if she was widowed. Some say that since this mark is frequently decorative for a woman, and since there is no need for her to decorate herself once her husband dies, she should not wear it. These practices have changed considerably since the late 20th century, and widows, especially in urban areas, do regularly wear a bindī as a decorative mark. Occasionally, they may wear a black bindī, because it is perceived to be plain rather than an ornamentation. 

In Śaiva and Vaiṣṇava communities, however, the vertical or horizontal marks in conjunction with the dot symbolize affiliation to a deity and a whole tradition; thus, in these communities, widows may continue to wear sectarian marks regularly. In the Vaiṣṇava traditions, for instance, the marital status does not affect the wearing of the sectarian mark. A woman who belongs to any of these communities would consider herself to be in the state of "good fortune" by being a devotee of Lakṣmī and Viṣṇu and would always wear it. Women worshippers of Śiva and Pārvatī in South India also have similar interpretations and wear their badge of ash with religious pride and religious humility. 

Conclusion 

Thus, while almost all Hindus wear a forehead mark, at least on ritual occasions, it is obvious they interpret it in a multitude of ways. By decoding the marks, one gets a sense of themes that have been important to Hindus over the last two millennia: dharma and liberation; life-promoting objectives and detachment; deities; the nature of the supreme being; sacred texts; community and philosophical tradition as defined by devotion to teachers; caste; the importance of sound in the process of worship, pilgrimage, and holy places with importance given to the local place; inner and outer purity; Vedas; and meditation. It also denotes the felicitous nature of being married, thus marking the importance of promoting the quality of life in this world, and also indicates the joyous association of the devotee with a particular deity, a connection that will ultimately free one from this earthly life.